By Carl Finamore
Carl Finamore
Cairo, Egypt (Jan. 26, 2012)—The most populated country in the Arab planet took the day off on Wednesday, January 25.
Tahrir Square was overloaded with men and women stretching and squeezing into every single nook and cranny on adjacent streets, storefront alcoves and constructing doorways. Still, thousands have been just unable to ever attain the center.
But there was a thing equally noteworthy on this day—the complete absence of the police and army. In a nation in which the army has far as well considerably manage in all affairs of state, on this day they could not be found.
Nonetheless, it ought to be explained that the army’s presence was quite a lot felt. For instance, the largest center stage in the middle of the square was controlled by their important ally, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB). Continuous “God is Great” and pro-military chants were consciously intended to counter opposition slogans of the protest motion.
Voices of the Youth and Employees
Beyond the center stage, even so, had been dozens of political groups, student and youth organizations and independent union contingents calling for a 2nd revolution. They completely engulfed the areas along the perimeter of Tahrir.
Following a series of modern bloody attacks against youthful protestors, along with continued repression of worker protests, a clear statement was built on January 25 that voices of the youth and employees, in certain, would not be muted.
Nonetheless, Egypt’s generals have proven themselves far more astute in dealing with raging social unrest and complicated political issues than the ousted dictator.
For instance, Area Marshall Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, head of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), announced on January 24 that virtually 2000 political prisoners getting held for military trials would be released and that the repressive 30-year Emergency Decree providing the government dictatorial powers would be lifted.
These and other calculated political gestures by SCAF undoubtedly improves their public image and impresses big sections of the population that desperately want to think things will improve now that Mubarak is gone.
But it doesn’t fool seasoned political activists since it contrasts so sharply with the brutal military and police assaults in November and December. These assaults left a number of thousand youthful guys and ladies injured and about 150 killed.
Plus, there has been no true improvement in the financial system. The demands of employees remain largely unaddressed except for a modest improve in the minimum wage from close to $ 53 a month to $ 115 a month. Newly formed independent unions were demanding at least $ 200 a month.
The Egyptian working class is really large and remains the most troublesome dilemma for the generals. They understand the vital role workers played in ending Mubarak’s reign by conducting the biggest strike wave in Egyptian background.
“Workers had been in Tahrir, but as folks,” Marian Fadel advised me, “then, on February 7, 8 and 9, they started acting like a class. Strikes occurred everywhere, leading the generals to turn on Mubarak.” Marian is an lawyer with a Master Degree in human rights. She is also Egypt system officer for the U.S. AFL-CIO-supported Solidarity Center.
Considering that these heady days, Fadel continued, “the independent trade unions have been obstructed at every step when they try to organize. Organizers are transferred to distinct locations, fired and even arrested and tortured.”
In addition, she explained, “the law enacted in 1976 permitting only one union in a workplace and only a single union federation in the nation is nevertheless on the books. It certainly favors Mubarak’s corrupt Egyptian Trade Union Federation (ETUF), which is trying to regroup with help from the military and the Muslim Brotherhood.”
The ETUF supported Mubarak and, in truth, the former ETUF president is now in jail for assisting lead the grotesque camel rider attacks against young men and women in Tahrir Square last year.
The Economy is Killing Men and women
Nonetheless, immediately after one particular 12 months of protest and even with so numerous reforms left unaddressed, there is no doubt large sections of the population are feeling exhausted and want all the strife to end.
“The economic climate is killing people,” Fadel observed.
“Many folks are tired of Tahrir, exhausted of the protests and exhausted of the battles with the military. They mistakenly feel that everything will enhance and get back to regular if protestors just halt asking for so considerably.”
I noticed this division last year on my initial trip to Cairo. Almost instantly following Mubarak was deposed, the army and huge sections of the middle and upper classes had been calling for a return to work. This is the drum beat continuously echoed by the media and the military with their allies in the Muslim Brotherhood.
But, slowing of the protests did not nor could not take place right away following the battles that toppled Mubarak. There was as well much enthusiasm and also many outstanding social and economic issues left unresolved. The people had tasted victory and they wanted a lot more.
But, now, following 1 year of political maneuvers crafted by the military, conducting elections, establishing a parliament and promising the set up of a newly elected president on July one, an exhausted population is confused, specifically these influenced by the 70 per cent Islamist majority in parliament.
Of program, there are still dissident voices. Nadea, for instance, is a 48-year outdated translator holding a sign in Tahrir demanding the military leave the government. She was with a group of buddies who lately formed Woman for Adjust.
“We all fought for a civil society and what we got is a military government and an Islamist parliament. Neither of them are civil,” she advised me as she threw up her hands.
Amid the absolutely critical political debate in Egypt these days, there is also, according to several political activists I interviewed, some despair and demoralization. This is especially accurate amongst the impoverished vendors in the informal sector who typically earn only $ 2 a day and endure dearly from the 30 per cent drop in tourism.
Walking the streets of Cairo, you see vivid examples of their wretched poverty. Children are all over the place functioning as vendors assisting their household earn an revenue. Of course, this signifies they are not in school.
The United Nations records 40 per cent illiteracy rate and a 40 per cent poverty price in Egypt.
It is fairly various for the organized working class. In fact, above the final numerous a long time, even underneath Mubarak, the AFL-CIO recorded some 1900 mostly illegal strikes happening from 2004 to 2008. These actions earned some important concessions from the government.
“Strikes continue nowadays,” according to 23-12 months old Nadeem Mansour, executive director of the prestigious labor and human rights’ organization, the Egyptian Center for Financial and Social Rights (ECESR). “But the new independent unions place most of their vitality, now, into strengthening their regional chapters still in their infancy.”
One more 23-year old I met in Tahrir, Hussein, proudly announced himself a revolutionary. He provided this analysis: “The operating class has a far better sense of their very own collective power and does not feel the same exhaustion and demoralization of their far far more isolated brothers and sisters in the informal sectors of the economic climate.”
“And, of course, the other revolutionary issue in Egypt, is the youth, who need to continually ally with the demands of the functioning class,” he advised me.
I heard this typically. According to the Globe Bank, there is 90 per cent unemployment amongst those below 30 a long time of age, now comprising 60 per cent of the population. Beneath these conditions, the youth have set an instance of committed activism under the most violent of situations.
“I lost an eye on November 19 when I was hit by a rubber bullet,” 30-year outdated Malek Moustafa advised me. He is media director for one of the most prominent human rights organizations in Egypt, the Hisham Mubarak Law Center.
“It was the initial day of the month-long protests opposing military rule and demanding real democratic and economic reforms. Almost 150 had been killed by the military and police assault on Mohamed Mamoud street proper off Tahrir and in front of the Ministry of Interior.”
“It was like bloody Beirut, complete mayhem with the army and police dragging bodies into trucks possibly to be dumped in the desert. And, it appeared they were firing purposely at the eyes,” a veteran AP photographer I befriended in Cairo advised me in a separate interview.
“Among the several thousand wounded,” Malek said, “are one more 35 who lost a single eye like me, 7 who lost both eyes and a lot of other individuals with crucial and permanent injuries.”
The big, enthusiastic youth presence in Tahrir this January 25, following the bloody days of the final few months, definitely shows their passion and determination is undeterred. Of program, the revolutionary youth know the activist minority must ultimately win above the a lot more conservative majority who yearn for stability, and for that challenge, they inform me, they are prepared.
The feeling at Tahrir was 1 of determination, a recognition that the struggle for revolutionary alter will take longer. “We are not just fighting an person now, we are fighting an entrenched military institution and its corrupt allies,” said Fadel. “We are prepared for the troubles ahead.”
Carl Finamore is delegate to the San Francisco Labor Council, AFL-CIO. He is in Cairo for eight days. He can be reached at local1781@yahoo.com and his writings at carlfinamore.wordpress.com


In stark contrast to the decline in union membership in recent a long time, union membership levels held steady at 11.8 % in 2011, falling a mere .1 percentage compared to 2010.


