By Mike Elk
Mike Elk
Yesterday, Occupy protesters attempted to shut down ports along the West Coast. In particular, the protesters targeted SSA Marine, a organization owned in huge portion by Goldman Sachs, as a way of protesting the two corporate greed and the working conditions of port truck drivers who are denied basic workers appropriate by staying classified as “independent contractors.”
But while the Occupy motion declared solidarity with the port employees, like the truck drivers and members of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU), the Longshoreman’s union did not vote to shut down the port.
In the end, protesters have been profitable in shutting down some terminals at ports in Oakland, Portland, and Longview, Wash. Employees in Portland and Longview were sent home with pay out, but in Oakland, 150 workers had been sent property without having any pay out, according to ILWU spokesman Craig Mierelles.
But the choice by an outside group to shut down the ports and trigger workers to lose a day’s pay without having them first getting their consent raises critical inquiries about the Occupy movement willingness to bypass a labor union’s own democractic decisionmaking approach.
In the previous, the ILWU shut down West Coast ports to protest South African apartheid, stand up for farm workers’ rights and other causes. On May possibly 1, 2008, the ILWU shut down ports for one particular day in order to protest the War in Iraq. Most recently, employees illegally shut down the all the ports in Longview, Wash., for 15 minutes, as I previously wrote about for In These Instances.
But this week, the ILWU was against Occupy protesters’ efforts to shut down the port, in spite of protesters claiming they had been engaged in the struggle in element to display solidarity with ILWU members in Longview resisting the use of nonunion labor at the Port of Longview. In a statement to union members and affiliates on December 6, ILWU President Robert McEllarth mentioned,
The ILWU has a long history of democracy. Element of that historic democracy is the challenging-won correct to chart our own program to victory. As the Occupy motion, which began in September 2011, sweeps this country, there is a real danger that forces will try to adopt our struggle as their very own. Support is a single factor, organization from outside groups, trying to co-opt our struggle in order to advance a broader agenda is really another and one that is destructive to our democratic approach and jeopardizes our more than two year struggle in Longview.
Outside groups claimed that the ILWU did not want to formally assistance the work to shut down the port in component because they have been afraid of a lawsuit for illegaly shutting down the port. Earlier this year, as my colleague Josh Eidelson reported for Working in These Times, the Pacific Maritime Association sued the ILWU when longshore employees in San Francisco and Oakland shut down their respective ports as port of a national day “We Are One” actions in support of collective bargaining on April 4.
A lot of supporters of Occupy movement claimed that help amongst ILWU rank-and-file members was there, but that top leadership did not want to endorse in component since of legal problems and for other causes. In a Salon write-up entitled “Occupy vs. Big Labor,” writer Emily Loftis criticized the union’s decisions to support the port shutdown saying, “Just as the one % now has to listen to the 99 %, Large Labor has to listen to the rank and file. Dec. 12 marks a step in the evolution of the motion from a collection of improvised tent-villages to a national network of empowered, community-conscious issue-solvers.”
Stan Woods, an activist involved with the Transport Employees Solidarity Committee, told The Guardian that most rank-and-file employees support yesterday’s action, regardless of their leadership not endorsing it. Woods stated, “the ones I’ve spokes, the 1 I’ve spoken to are strongly in support of the Occupy Motion.”
Leaders within the ILWU, nonetheless, claim the portrayal of ILWU as a bureaucratic union representing labor’s 1% are overblown. The ILWU have a long historical past of taking dramatic action to assistance their very own union members even when they break the law and threat the financial nicely-staying of the union. (At present, the union is facing $ 315,000 in fines for breaking a federal injunction by blocking grain trains from getting into a non-union terminal at the Port of Longview. Employees in Vancouver, Canada and Tacoma, Wash., went on illegal wildcat strikes to protest police brutality that union members and supporters faced from police when they blocked the tracks.)
“I am proud to say that I am in a union wherever my President is out getting beat up by cops on the railroad tracks in Longview as a substitute of sitting behind some desk like most union bureaucrats,” says ILWU Communications Director Craig Mierrelles.
Multiple ILWU labor leaders who spoke with In These Times claimed there was little awareness or help from rank and file for a shutdown of the ports on December 12th.
“Frankly, a lot of members are quite baffled about what’s going on, press is screwed up in methods of reporting stuff – most of these guys just get their news from television,” says Fred Pecker, president of ILWU Neighborhood 6 in San Francisco. “There are some members here that are supportive, but I doubt enough to be capable to place it up for a vote. I got a regional of five,000 guys here. If these guys truly want a port shutdown, they would have to work hard to build support among guys that range from left wingers to some very conservative Republicans.”
According to Pecker, when ILWU shut down the ports in 2008 in order to make a political statement about the War in Iraq, they had to operate for months in order to build adequate assistance amongst members to shut down the ports. Some Occupy protesters say that by taking their actions to shut down the ports without direct union consent, they are educating union members about the chance of taking direct action. They claim that in the previous, radical actions like factory sit-downs at 1st did not have help from several members, but were in a position to inspire much more employees to support them as soon as the actions have been underneath way.
“The Occupy motion is basically taking from labor historical past,” stated Robbie Donohoe, an IBEW member told Labor Notes. “We’re creating it safer for employees to challenge the boundaries of laws that had been produced to secure the reins of power firmly in the hands of the one%.”
Nonetheless, Cal Winslow, author of Labor’s Civil War in California: The NUHW Healthcare Workers’ Rebellion, about the struggle of rank and file well being care employees to resist efforts by SEIU leadership to force them to take concessions, says that the work by Occupiers to force employees to take action with no workers wanting to do it reminds him of the hefty-handed techniques of union leaders like Andy Stern.
“Both Stern and Occupy demand that employees sacrifice their appropriate and requirements for the greater good—but neither provides them a option nor an viewpoint on what exactly is the greater great. And the query of ‘who decides’ … is irrelevant or possibly entails simply an “inconvenience” says Winslow. “In both circumstances there are actual troubles. If we are going to see a rebirth of the labor motion, it is going to have to come workers carrying out things for themselves. It’s not some thing that can be imposed.”
As the Occupy Movement, which has prided itself on its internal horizontal democratic decision-generating procedure, seeks to broaden and enlist new allies, it will have to weigh how its actions affect other workers’ ability of those employees to take democratic action for themselves.
Mike Elk is an In These Instances Staff Author and a normal contributor to the labor weblog Working In These Times. He can be reached at mike@inthesetimes.com.

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